Showing posts with label Series: Postmodernism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Series: Postmodernism. Show all posts

Saturday, July 4, 2015

A Postmodern Lexicon




By way of a postscript, I thought I would offer a quick and dirty guide to postmodern jargon, so some of their writing will be (oh so slightly) less painful, if you decide you want to read it in the original.

I.                   Authoritative/Dominant/Normative/Patriarchal: Any regulative principle which inhibits the “freeplay” of meaning. Sometimes also God, Logos, The Father, The Imaginary, depending on the context. A bad thing.
II.                Binary Thinking: the instinctive but erroneous premise that only two alternatives exist. Up/down, black/white, gay/strait, democracy/communism, self/other. Synonymous with the either/or fallacy. A bad thing.
III.             Death of the Author: repudiation both of the idea that the author is the creator of the text and that their intent is the most important element in deciphering its meaning. According to Roland Barthes it is the reader, not the author, who must decide what the text means. A good thing.
IV.             Deconstruction: examination of a particular discourse in order to reveal its hidden assumptions and implications – usually with the intent of showing how it is being used to manipulate people in a particular context. A good thing.
V.                Diachronic/Synchronic: a thing considered in terms of its history and development/a thing considered in terms of its relationship to similar things at a particular moment. Postmodernism is largely synchronic in that its claims viz. the nature of language rest on synchronic analysis.
VI.             Discourse: any constellation of signs considered in its relation to power – either a particular conversation, a group of conversations, or the possibility of conversation at all, depending on the context. A bad thing. 
VII.          Freeplay: The multiplicity of meaning made possible by the abandonment of logo-centric thinking. A good thing.
VIII.       Hermeneutics: that area of thought concerned with formulating principles for the interpretation of texts.
IX.             Logos/Logo-Centric: Any conceptual network regulated by a concept which stands apart from, or in a position of authority over, the others. According to Derrida all previous Western philosophy. A bad thing.
X.                Meta-: of a higher or second order. I.e. a meta-history would be a history of history, a meta-discourse a discourse of discourse, and so on.
XI.             Modern: a cultural condition, beginning more or less with the Enlightenment (c. 1650 – 1800) in which truth, value, and meaning are understood to reside in the world rather than in the speaker, and in which they are understood as singular and exclusionary rather than multiple and inclusive, and necessarily entailing an authoritarian ethos of domination which glorifies ignorance and violence. A very bad thing. Opposed by postmodernism, a very good thing.
XII.          Sign: a word-concept, given as signifier/signified. According to Saussure language is composed of an arbitrary constellation wherein each element receives its meaning only from the difference between it and the other signs. This has the important consequence that the divisions inherit in language bear no necessary relationship to the world as it is. Since language precedes, creates, and determines thoughts, this has the further consequence that nothing can be thought which bears a necessary (only an interpretive) relationship to things as they are.
XIII.       Text: anything considered as a constellation of signs: narrowly writing, the spoken word, or any gesture or act intended to communicate. But, since anything can be considered as such a constellation, anything can be understood as a “text,” and therefore understood according to the techniques of linguistic analysis.

The main point: All our talk is just talk about our talk.
Hope that helps! 

Part of a Series on Postmodernism (XVII o XVII)

Outro - What does Postmodernism Mean to You?



We come to the end of our journey through postmodernism. What a long, strange trip it’s been. 

We’ve seen its origins in the Structuralism of the early 20th century, we’ve surveyed a few of the ideas of a few of its leading proponents, and we’ve seen two of the most prominent objections raised against it. Postmodernism was contentious from the moment it showed up, and it remains so today.
If we return to our original question – “what is postmodernism?” – I think we are now in a position to give a more satisfying answer then the one we started with. Postmodernism has several meanings.
It means (1) a form of radical egalitarian skepticism pioneered by Jacques Derrida in the late 60’s, and applied by a generation of French and American theorists to practically every field of scholarly endeavor. Derrida viewed language as a constellation of signs whose meaning was arbitrarily derived from their relation to each other, not from any necessary connection to the world, and who also saw it as determining (not expressing) human thought. According to Derrida there is no meaning or purpose inherit in language, texts, the psyche, or the world itself – meaning resides in language, which does not express, but creates, all that we think and believe about reality. Differences in perspective are legitimate and inescapable, for meaning can never be fully articulated in words, and words always have subtlety and variety of meaning which escapes the speaker and the listener alike. Instead of repressing diversity of interpretation (and, indeed, of everything), we should celebrate it. More broadly, postmodernism is (2) a cultural condition arising from economic transformations in the industrial world, as described by Jean-Francois Lyotard. It is characterized by the view of knowledge as a commodity, by systematic institutional terror (“produce or die”), and by “incredulity toward metanarratives.” On this view Derrida’s philosophy does not create, but expresses, far-reaching changes in our cultural life.

Postmodernism (1) was hugely influential in American scholarship until the mid-90’s. Although there are still plenty of people who think of themselves as postmodernists, it seems to be recruiting opponents faster than converts, and in many fields it is definitely passé. This is partially because many people simply cannot get past its off-putting jargon or its sweeping claims about the nature of all thought and language, it is partially because it has been construed (in my opinion wrongly) as opposed to science, and it is partially because of the bitter ideological struggles of our time, which are tending to transform politics into a matter, not of mere opinion, but of identity and moral commitment. Under these circumstances all sides feel the need for an ideology around which to rally the base, and acknowledge, either openly or in secret, the need to suppress dissent. Tolerance for substantive differences in opinion is becoming increasingly unfashionable, and so too is a philosophy which resists all ideologies, and insists on the value of such differences. In this climate, postmodernism is subversive in all the wrong ways. Whether or not postmodernism (2) is actually descriptive of the economic and social context in which we find ourselves, I suppose you will have to judge for yourselves.  

I’ve resisted the temptation to express my own opinions about postmodernism so far, on the theory that other people are more than capable of deciding for themselves what they think of it. Now that we are at the end, though, perhaps a few comments by way of assessment will not be out of place.
Postmodernism is in one sense the logical culmination of the critical project of the Enlightenment. In philosophy, as in anything else, it is easier to destroy than to create, and in practice the most substantial victories of the Enlightenment have been destructive. It is easy to show that existing beliefs and institutions are inconsistent, self-interested, and abysmal failures when measured by the impossible standard of our ideals. They have to be in order to be realized in a world full of inconsistent, self-interested people. For several centuries the Enlightenment has shown just this, both with respect to its original adversaries (church, monarchy, tradition), and its own proposed alternatives (political ideology, the state, progress.) The promise of the Enlightenment has always been, implicitly, that some ideal system or arrangement could be found, if only we saw into the problems of social life deeply enough. However, the ideal system has never been found, and, it is becoming increasingly clear, never will be. So, having destroyed every certainty, the Enlightenment has, at the end, nothing left to criticize but itself – hence the paradoxical attack on Reason in the name of reason, on Truth in the name of truth, and so on. This is not, in my view, an aberration. It was implicit in the Enlightenment from the beginning.

While all this destruction was going on, however, the Enlightenment succeeded in making itself the focal point of a new tradition, the adherents of which all share the same basic outlook – that Reason Discovers Truth and Makes Mankind Free and Happy. Much blood and ink has been spilled defining what, exactly, this means in practice, but it is in any case the orthodoxy of our time, shared by practically all thinking people. Ironically, this orthodoxy has tended to meet the challenge of postmodernism in the same way that orthodoxies have always responded to insurgents – by attacking the new idea as not just wrong, but unnatural, immoral, dangerous, heretical, and, in short, the end of the world.

That might be right, but I would like to point out that this is not an argument against evidence. It is an argument against argument – it is a command, ex cathedra, to stop thinking, lest our thinking turn us along dangerous paths. Thus, if postmodernism paradoxically uses reason to attack reason, its critics are often involved in exactly the same contradiction, for they tell us, in the name of reason, to stop reasoning, lest reason come to an end. I agree that the game of reason is a dangerous, uncertain business. Once we start, who knows where we’ll end up? But we’ve been on this path for several centuries now, and it’s too late to turn back now. We’re either serious about our principles and willing to go where they take us, or we’re not, and the Enlightenment has indeed been, as the postmodernists tell us, a sham from the beginning. In my opinion attacks on postmodernism as intrinsically immoral are simply not serious.

This is by no means the same thing as saying that we need to become postmodernists. There are other, better grounds for criticism. For instance, how, exactly, do we know that language determines what can be thought? Granted that it’s not an intrinsically absurd idea, how are we supposed to prove it? What about the slipperiness of meaning? Granted that we can never say just what we mean, isn’t every act of speech testimony to our ability to say at least some of it? Who says people can, or even want to, live without narratives? Indeed it seems to me that narratives are, as Arthur Danto said, “the metaphysics of everyday life.” A large part of our identity, both as individuals and as a community, is wrapped up in the story we tell ourselves about ourselves. It might be true, as Lyotard says, that official institutions have largely given up on narratives as a mirage – but it is by no means certain that this is a situation that will, or can, last. Further, though I’m willing to grant a legitimate role for difference in our social and political lives, I think that the idea that our differences bring us together, or should be celebrated for their own sake, is just obviously wrong. Our differences divide us – what brings us together is what we have in common, what we can recognize of ourselves in each other. That’s how we form communities. The different will always be, on some level, the strange, the incomprehensible, the dangerous, the other. There are some things we don’t choose – they’re simply handed to us at birth, as part of the human condition. And, however irrational or unsatisfactory, the need to identify like with like, and to keep the strange and different at arms length, is almost certainly one of them. In my opinion this is something that, like the irreducibility of interpretation, we ought to make our peace with.

There’s a lot more that could be said on this topic, but I doubt my opinions are as interesting to everyone else as they are to me. Perhaps we can end where we began – with questions. What do you think about postmodernism? Do you find it, or parts of it, persuasive? If so, which ones, and why? If not, why not? Do you believe we can discover objective truths? What does postmodernism mean to you?  



Part of a Series on Postmodernism (XVI of XVII)

Tuesday, June 30, 2015

Richard Wolin and the Seduction of Unreason (c. 2005)



“Denunciations of reason’s inadequacies have an all-too-familiar ring: since the dawn of the Counter-Enlightenment, they have been the standard fare of the European Reaction.”

Richard Wolin (1952 – ) is an American historian and a prominent critic of postmodernism. He is probably best-known for The Seduction of Unreason (2004), a work of intellectual history aimed at a broad audience, which argued that postmodernism was politically dubious in both its origins and its implications.

For Wolin, postmodernism is best seen as a continuation of the “Counter-Enlightenment,” a concept first advanced by Isaiah Berlin in order to explain the rise of fascism. (Berlin’s argument was the subject of an earlier article, here: https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=1065370980144116&id=986713261343222&substory_index=0) The basic idea is that the Enlightenment was a left-leaning phenomena, which saw reason, progress, and freedom as natural allies, fighting the good fight against superstition, backwardness, and tyranny, and sought the reform of existing institutions, which were based on the latter, in accordance with the former. Its conservative opponents therefore attacked the Enlightenment as tending to stamp out tradition, community, and pluralism in the name of Universal Reason, which was, in practice, simply their own political aspirations and philosophical naivety writ large upon the cosmos. According to Berlin these have been the battle-lines of intellectual history since 1789, or thereabouts. Fascism was simply the latest manifestation of the perennial “revolt against reason.”

Wolin picked up this argument and applied it to postmodernism, by pointing to both conceptual affinities and actual “genealogical” links. In the first case, postmodernism does indeed, as we have seen, stress the importance of plurality, which it celebrates as intrinsically worthwhile. In that sense it is hostile to the universal aspirations of the Enlightenment, which declare that there is one truth, one standard of beauty, one morality, one human nature, etc. – a doctrine that postmodernism is determined, both in principle and in practice, to resist. The genealogical links begin with Nietzsche, whose stress on individuality and passion, and whose hatred of timid bourgeois conformity, are well-known, and progress from him to Heidegger, who may, or may not (depending on who you believe) have been a Nazi. (Without getting into the weeds on this topic, let’s just say that a lot of German intellectuals, like a lot of Germans, made poor choices in the 1930’s, and that Heidegger was one of them.) Heidegger in particular, and phenomenologists in general, were important for postmodernist philosophers because their stress on the irreducible variability of experience grounded their own critique of the totalizing aspirations of the Enlightenment. Foucault vocally supported the Iranian revolution of 1979 (on the grounds, it would seem, that it was anti-Western and therefore a good thing), and the revelation, in 1989, that Paul de Man (a postmodernist literary theorist who we haven’t been able to cover) worked for the Nazis during the war simply added to the fire. In short, Wolin argued that the political choices of postmodernists themselves showed that it was not actually a legitimate representative of the liberal tradition, as it claimed. It actually belonged, he insisted, on the reactionary right.

In a sense this was turning the weapons of postmodernism on itself, for Wolin’s critique amounts to (irony of ironies) a deconstruction of deconstruction. That is, it attacks postmodernism by revealing a questionable past, affiliations, and assumptions, rather than by way of a direct frontal assault on the central arguments. We’ve seen this strategy at work before, in Edward Said’s critique of Orientalism.
Wolin also criticized postmodernism on the grounds that it provided insufficient moral grounding for genuinely progressive or democratic reform, for if everyone is free to interpret the world just as they please, and if difference of opinion is something to be celebrated for its own sake, then presumably we will have to admit the right of bigots to their bigotry, plutocrats to their greed, criminals to their contempt for the law, and so on. It is, we have learned, their right as human beings. How, then, will they be compelled to live in peace with other people? Or, then again, how are we supposed to organize for reform, if we no longer believe that any one truth is common to all people? Effective political action is based on the things we have in common (truths derived from evidence, and accessible to all reasonable people), not the things that separate us. Obviously we aren’t going to be very effective, politically, if we’re all trapped in the random Brownian motion of independent subjectivity.

But the problem isn’t just suppressing anti-social elements – it’s resisting them ourselves. Postmodernism, Wolin argued, leaves people defenseless against the venom and empty promises of clever demagogues, who will surely lead us around by the nose unless we are equipped, morally and intellectually, to resist them. That is, unless we respect reason, evidence, truth, and the right of all people to live lives of freedom and dignity, which is what the Enlightenment was about all along. In short, postmodernism is not just wrong – it is immoral and dangerous. Resisting it is more than just a good idea – it’s a defense of civilization.

More on Isaiah Berlin’s Counter-Enlightenment: 

Berlin’s original essay (it’s short and highly readable): http://berlin.wolf.ox.ac.uk/published_works/ac/counter-enlightenment.pdf

Paul de Man and Fascism: 

More on Richard Wolin: 

Part of a Series on Postmodernism (XV of XVII)


Monday, June 29, 2015

Edward Said and Orientalism c. 1975



"From the beginning of Western speculation about the Orient, the one thing th orient could not do was to represent itself. Evidence of the Orient was credible only after it had passed through and been made firm by the refining fire of the Orientalist’s work.”

Edward Said (1935 – 2003) was a Palestinian-American literary scholar who spent most of his career at Columbia University. His early work focused on Joseph Conrad and the literature of Imperialism, but he is best-remembered today as the author of Orientalism (1978.) Despite its controversial thesis and polemical, abstract, and frequently unclear language, Orientalism has had an immense influence across the humanities.

Said was outraged by the portrayal of Arabs in US media and scholarship, especially during the 1973 Arab-Israeli war, and set out to expose what he regarded as the thinly-veiled racism of American scholarship on “the Orient.” Drawing on postmodernist theories of power and knowledge, Said argued that “Orientalism” (or, as we call it today, Area Studies) was best understood as an extension of the imperial project into the realm of scholarship.

As British, French, and later American soldiers and interests dominated the Middle East during the 19th and 20th centuries, scholars portrayed it as a land of romance, exoticism, and imagination – a feminized “other” which ripe for domination by the masculine, familiar, rational, practical West. Thus it was no accident that “the Orient” was so consistently portrayed as a land of passive masses, mystic philosophers, religious fanatics, and cruel, effeminate tyrants. These peoples had been rendered temporarily defenseless by the industrial revolution, which gave Europeans the machine guns, telegraphs, and steam ships with which to conquer them. It was thus very natural for Europeans to portray them as people who not only could, but who should, be conquered, for their own good as well as for that of the Europeans. Thus the British and the French both told themselves, and anyone who would listen, that they were not in India or Egypt in order to oppress and rob the country, but in order to “civilize” and “educate” the poor benighted peoples of the East. No doubt they could point to ample evidence of mistreatment or folly on the part of the rulers of those lands; but then again, every country has its problems, and if people go looking for evidence of their preconceived notions, it’s not exactly surprising if they find what they’re looking for.

Once these tropes were established in their imagination, British and French schola

"From the beginning of Western speculation about the Orient, the one thing th orient could not do was to represent itself. Evidence of the Orient was credible only after it had passed through and been made firm by the refining fire of the Orientalist’s work.”

Edward Said (1935 – 2003) was a Palestinian-American literary scholar who spent most of his career at Columbia University. His early work focused on Joseph Conrad and the literature of Imperialism, but he is best-remembered today as the author of Orientalism (1978.) Despite its controversial thesis and polemical, abstract, and frequently unclear language, Orientalism has had an immense influence across the humanities.

Said was outraged by the portrayal of Arabs in US media and scholarship, especially during the 1973 Arab-Israeli war, and set out to expose what he regarded as the thinly-veiled racism of American scholarship on “the Orient.” Drawing on postmodernist theories of power and knowledge, Said argued that “Orientalism” (or, as we call it today, Area Studies) was best understood as an extension of the imperial project into the realm of scholarship.

As British, French, and later American soldiers and interests dominated the Middle East during the 19th and 20th centuries, scholars portrayed it as a land of romance, exoticism, and imagination – a feminized “other” which ripe for domination by the masculine, familiar, rational, practical West. Thus it was no accident that “the Orient” was so consistently portrayed as a land of passive masses, mystic philosophers, religious fanatics, and cruel, effeminate tyrants. These peoples had been rendered temporarily defenseless by the industrial revolution, which gave Europeans the machine guns, telegraphs, and steam ships with which to conquer them. It was thus very natural for Europeans to portray them as people who not only could, but who should, be conquered, for their own good as well as for that of the Europeans. Thus the British and the French both told themselves, and anyone who would listen, that they were not in India or Egypt in order to oppress and rob the country, but in order to “civilize” and “educate” the poor benighted peoples of the East. No doubt they could point to ample evidence of mistreatment or folly on the part of the rulers of those lands; but then again, every country has its problems, and if people go looking for evidence of their preconceived notions, it’s not exactly surprising if they find what they’re looking for.

Once these tropes were established in their imagination, British and French scholars repeated them endlessly. New information was gathered, to be certain, but it was always fitted within the framework developed by Richard Burton, T.E. Lawrence, Rudyard Kipling, and advocates of Imperialism. They did not necessarily do this out of dishonest or mercenary motives – the lesson of postmodernism is that what we think and what we do are inextricably caught up with one another. If knowledge is power, as Bacon said, then power is also knowledge. Thus it was the power of the West over the East that permitted its penetration by Western explorers, which shaped and colored everything they saw there, and which tempted them to imagine that the people who lived there secretly desired or needed the domination of the West.

American scholarship on the Middle East did not start from nothing – it was founded on British and French models, and followed in their footsteps. After the second world war the explicit racism of 19th century scholarship became implicit. Racist language was dropped, but the assumptions remained the same. The situation was exacerbated by the creation of the state of Israel in 1948, which gave the West a new imperial interest in the region. Thus the Israelis sought to portray themselves as great civilizers of a savage land, or, as they liked to say, as people who “made the desert bloom.” Massacre of the Palestinian people and theft of their land was simply ignored – instead, Arabs were discussed not as victims of Israeli aggression, but as hordes of barbarous fanatics from whom the Israelis were simply forced to defend themselves. So, Said argued, today, as in the time of T.E. Lawrence and Richard Burton, imperial fantasies continue to dominate the “West’s” conception of the “East.” The close alliance between the state department, the CIA, and Middle East Area Studies programs is no coincidence – they are complicit together in the production of knowledge for power, or, in other words, in the production of racist fantasies intended to deny the rights and humanity of people they want to exploit.

In order to understand the Middle East as it really is, Said argued, the slate must be wiped clean. The Orientalist scholarship of the nineteenth century was simply nonsense, and made no positive contribution to our understanding of the region. The first premise of any new study of the area should be that the people who live there have their own legitimate institutions, views, and aspirations. There is not, and never was, any such thing as “the Orient” – like “the West” it is an entirely fictitious category.

The targets of Said’s criticism did not take all this lying down – their response was forceful, vengeful, and contemptuous, to put it mildly. They pointed out embarrassing mistakes in scholarship, questioned the postmodernist theoretical foundations on which his analysis was built, ridiculed the pretentious language in which his book was written, and (perhaps most tellingly) accused him of doing to the “Orientalists” what he said they had done to “the Orient.” In other words, they claimed that he had constructed a purely imaginary enemy in his own mind, in blatant disregard for the facts of that scholarship itself. Although Said resisted the temptation to respond directly, he found many defenders who were willing to take up the fight for him. His work remains controversial today, but in general his opponents have gotten the worst of it. To a younger generation of scholars their work often does seem infected by a naïve racism which tends toward the uncritical defense of Israel, the support of illegitimate dictatorships, and the blanket dismissal of hundreds of millions of people as irrational fanatics. 

Biographical Information: http://www.theguardian.com/news/2003/sep/26/guardianobituaries.highereducation

Part of a Series on Postmodernism (XII of XVII)
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Hayden White and the Linguistic Turn in History c. 1975




"The closest that either Voltaire or the other historical geniuses of the age -- Hume and Gibbon -- came to understanding unreason's creative potentialities was in their Ironic criticism of themselves and in their own efforts to make sense out of history. This, at least, led them to view themselves as being as potentially flawed as the cripples they conceived to be acting out the spectacle of history.”

Hayden White (1928 - ) is an American historian and historiographer whose work is strongly associated with the “linguistic turn” (postmodernism) in history.

In Meta-History (1973) White argued that historical writing can be read as a genre of literature, and as a matter of its own history has usually been practiced as such. The scientific pretence of the nineteenth century historians to study the past as a science have long since been deflated, but the “theoretical torpor” created by their legacy continues to inhibit the work of genuine (literary) historical writing. Modern historians should recognize that what they are doing is not science but literature. Thus it is not physicists and mathematicians, but literary critics, who can provide historians with the theoretical models appropriate to their work.

In order to make his case, White examined eight nineteenth century historians/philosophers of history: Ranke, Tocqueville, Michelet, Burkhardt, Marx, Hegel, Nietzsche, and Croce. He concluded that they could be organized along four axes, which correspond to the irriducible categories of all historical writing:

The first is the mode of emplotment, or the overall meaning of the story, borrowed from Northrop Frye. These are comedy, tragedy, romance, and satire. The second is the ideological implication, analyzed using categories borrowed from Karl Mannheim . These are anarchist, radical, conservative, and liberal. The third is the mode of argument, analyzed using categories borrowed from Stephen Pepper. These are formist, mechanistic, organicist, or contextualist. The choices that an author made along these axes determined their choice of language, which could be metaphor, metonymy, synechtode, or irony.

According to White the intellectual bankruptcy of historian’s self-understanding is demonstrated by an attitude of ironic detachment from their own work: an attitude of skepticism, self-doubt, and paradox, in which historians acknowledge the futility of their work while at the same time insisting on its necessity. Literary theory, by contrast, offers a philosophically coherent explanation of historical writing, which affirms both the possibility and the necessity of historical writing.

The resistance of historians to the seeming demotion, from the lofty rank of scientists to the ghetto of literary criticism, is in fact a kind of cultural prejudice of the nineteenth century. Why is science an intrinsically more dignified activity than literature? On what basis does the distinction between the past “as it really was,” and the past “as we imagine it” exist? Is there an objective past for the historian to study? Do not history and literature share the basic elements of narrative, language, metaphor, subject, and theme? Did it not first emerge as literature, and has it not been written as such, consciously or unconsciously, ever since? The answer to these questions strongly suggest that history properly belongs to literature rather than to science. Where the pretense of the nineteenth century has been dropped in so many other areas, it retains a powerful grip on historical writing. Literature no less than science deals with the world as it really is – the medium is fiction, to be certain, but the substance is the human condition, and that is as real as any quark or neutrino. To dismiss literature as unreal or beneath the notice of a serious intellectual is simply prejudiced nonsense.

Such a posture is also necessary in order to counteract what Nietzsche derided as the despair-inducing effects of history – that is to say, the sense that the past hangs like a cloud over everything, that it defines and limits us, that we cannot escape it. By abolishing the fatuous notion of a one true history, historians can recapture their relevance and equip now-living people for heroic, daring exertions.

http://www.history.ac.uk/reviews/review/1149
 

Part of a Series on Philosophy of History
Part of a Series on Postmodernism (XI of XVII)
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Thursday, June 18, 2015

Jacques Lacan and Postmodern Psychoanalysis c. 1950 - 1980





“The real is what resists symbolization absolutely.”


Jacques Lacan (1901 – 1981) was a French psychoanalyst who influenced a generation of younger intellectuals, many of whom would go on to become prominent in the postmodernist movement, through annual seminars which he held from the 1950’s until his death.


Like many other French intellectuals, Lacan was impressed by Levi-Strauss’s application of Saussure to anthropology, and followed his example by applying Saussure to psychoanalysis. According to Lacan, the mind is structured in more or less the same way that language is – as an arbitrary constellation of sign/signified pairs in which each element receives its meaning from the difference between it and all others. He also followed Saussure in interpreting language as an external imposition on “the subject,” (variously society, the individual, or a part of the individual’s psyche.)


According to Lacan an infant begins life in a state of complete union with the mother (initially in the womb), and only becomes aware of itself as distinct very gradually. Lacan called this state of union – of innocent and complete immersion in the pleasure of the body, and, as the infant gradually becomes self-aware, of the sense of being the sole object of the mother’s attention or desire – “jouisance.” The process of becoming self-aware was a gradual process of alienation from this initial and (psychologically) ideal situation.


This occurred through several mechanisms. The first was through the acquisition of language, which is learned from the mother. The infant has to infer the mother’s intentions from the signifiers she uses, which are initially unpaired with any signified. Which signifiers go with which signs has to be inferred through trial and error, and the infant can never be quite certain that these inferences are correct. Further, since language can never capture one’s exact meaning (per Derrida, there are always multiple interpretations available), the process of using it to communicate one’s most basic needs and desires is necessarily a frustrating, alienating experience. What we really want to say is not entirely expressible – and yet we do need to say it. The more one uses language (at the prompting of the superego, or social aspect of our being), the more one becomes “sutured” onto it – or, in other words, the more one identifies that which is causing alienation. Thus self-expression and unmediated being (“the real,” as Lacan put it) pull in opposite directions, producing unresolvable conflicts within the consciousness.


Another process of separation was the infant’s gradual recognition that it was not the end-all be-all of the mother’s world. The father intruded on this relationship, and supplied something for the mother that the infant could not – according to Lacan (following Freud) the phallus. The recognition that the relationship was incomplete prompted gender-identification (not, obviously, biological sex) – as female, to _have_ the phallus, as male, to _be_ the phallus. Or, put another way, to share the mother’s desire, or to attempt to fulfill it. Lacan seems to have had in mind both a literal and a metaphorical meaning for the term “phallus.” In one sense it was simply the male sex organ, and in the other, the incompleteness which drove the infant and mother apart, and prompted the infant to move toward the mother or the father in an (again futile) attempt to repair the gap.


When the infant becomes fully aware of itself as separate from the mother, it has reached “the mirror stage,” (i.e. the point at which it can recognize itself in the mirror), and begins to construct its ego (what Lacan called “the imaginary”) out of similar identifications between self and other. Nevertheless, it never quite outgrows “jouisance.” Much of a person’s thought and actions can, Lacan suggested, be understood as an attempt to resolve the mystery of what the mother “really” meant while the infant was learning the language, to return to “jouisance,” and (again, following Freud) to have (or be) the mother. Since all of these desires are, strictly speaking, impossible, much of what people think and do is a kind of steeple chase to nowhere – people want what they can never have, cannot help wanting it, and falsely identify that original desire with the things they desire in a more prosaic and transient sense. Often, though of course not always, this is the object of erotic desire. No wonder they are so restless and dissatisfied – their entire conception of the world is, as Derrida said of Western philosophy, “logo-centric” – which is to say, organized around the illusion of organization from outside oneself.


The goal of Lacanian psychoanalysis was more or less the same as Derrida’s goal with respect to western philosophy – to recognize the “transcendent signified” for what it was, abandon the fruitless quest for it, and become rooted in the circumstances in which one actually found oneself. Presumably this would, in the one case as in the other, bred the self-awareness necessary for self-control, maturity, rational decision-making, and in short, common sense. Once people are aware of their own irrationality, one hopes, it may not have so powerful a grip on them.




Part of a Series on Postmodernism (VIII of XVI)